"General Monkan" phenomenon weakens 'Red' support, edges out 'Orange'

The "General Monkan" phenomenon has led to a surge in conservative nationalism in the Northeast, with Lt Gen Boonsin Phadkhang, Commander of the Second Army Region, playing a key role. This wave of nationalism has had a direct impact, significantly diminishing the popularity and support base of the Pheu Thai Party (the Red Camp). Meanwhile, the People’s Party (the Orange camp) is also facing new challenges.

The "General Monkan" phenomenon at Mahasarakham University (MSU) on July 4, 2025, sent a strong message to voters and political parties in the Northeast: they can no longer overlook the rise of conservative nationalism.

The Student Organisation, in collaboration with the MSU Student Club, organised the "Bai Sri Su Kwan" ceremony to welcome the new students of the 2025 academic year at the university. Over 5,000 students from various faculties and colleges attended the event.

Notably, Lt Gen Boonsin Phadkhang, Commander of the Second Army Region, honoured the occasion by welcoming the new students and tying the traditional wristbands to bless them.

This event marked the beginning of the "General Monkan" phenomenon among the younger generation, which was further amplified by a viral clip of Boonsin singing "Khid Hod Thuk Khon" (I miss everyone), a song originally performed by Monkan Kaenkoon.

Boonsin earned the nickname "General Monkan" due to his resemblance to Monkan.

In an interview, Lt Gen Boonsin made it clear that after his retirement, he plans to live a peaceful, simple life and has no intentions of entering politics.

However, with the ongoing tensions at the Thai-Cambodian border in the final three months of his tenure as Commander of the Second Army Region, anything could happen.

Thus, the "General Monkan" wave is likely to remain popular in the Northeast for some time.

The "General Monkan" phenomenon has undeniably affected the Pheu Thai Party, as reflected in the latest NIDA poll. The popularity of Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and her party has diminished, partly due to the audio clip of a conversation between Paetongtarn and Cambodian former Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Pheu Thai’s popularity in the Northeast had started to plateau since the formation of the cross-party government, with more red-shirt supporters shifting their allegiance to the People’s Party, a trend that has continued to grow.

The results of the January 2025 election for local council presidents in the Northeast further emphasised that while Thaksin's influence remains, it no longer carries the same weight as before.

For over two decades, Thaksin’s political party has dominated the Northeast, a key battleground with the highest number of MPs.

Therefore, the question remains whether the conservative nationalism wave can erode the red camp’s ( Pheu Thai) support base, and we’ll need to wait a bit longer to find out.

There are three key risks that "Big Boss" (Thaksin) must address urgently:


The first factor is the "General Monkan" phenomenon at the Thai-Cambodian border, which could be a mere flash fire or a smouldering blaze that continues to erode Pheu Thai’s support bit by bit.
The second factor is the lack of significant impact from the recent Cabinet reshuffle, Paetongtarn 2, on the MPs from the Northeast, who didn’t gain any additional ministerial posts. However, beneath the surface, it seems like a ticking time bomb.
The third factor is that Thaksin and Paetongtarn need to launch a more aggressive strategy with tangible policies that resonate with the public, such as a crackdown on drugs, to solidify their support and regain lost popularity.


Northeastern Youth Have Choices

Despite the NIDA Poll’s overall results showing a strong lead for Natthaphong Ruangpanyawut and the People’s Party across all regions, the rise of nationalism has caused some hesitation among the orange camp's supporters.

The bold declaration by Boonsin, which once went viral on social media, “This land has been mine for a long time. If you want it, let’s fight. It’s not difficult,” may not sit well with the MPs from the orange party, as it reflects an extreme conservative ideology.



During the tense Thai-Cambodian border situation, some leaders from the People’s Party and the Future Forward group attempted to present the idea of "progressive nationalism" to caution the public against becoming too enamoured with the military.

Above all, the Orange Party remains concerned that conservative nationalism could grow to the point of supporting a military coup.

Last week, the People’s Party faced questions from their supporters, which may even diminish the party's popularity:

The news suggesting that the People’s Party is preparing to nominate Anutin Charnvirakul for Prime Minister seemed to play into the red camp’s hands, spreading the issue of the naive orange party far and wide.

The rise of nationalism among students and young voters can’t be denied. The youth politician group is now reaping the benefits of the nationalist trend.

Therefore, in the next general election, the People’s Party may not monopolise the youth vote as it did in 2023. Gen Z in the Northeast now has idols from the “youth-driven” movements.

Interestingly, medium-sized political parties have become hubs for young, emerging politicians and have created “armies of artists” to attract youth votes, particularly in Mahasarakham Province.

As for the Bhumjaithai Party, which is riding the nationalism wave, it is standing its ground, neither gaining nor losing significant support in the Northeast. However, in the long run, the blue camp still faces challenges with its party image.

In summary, the "General Monkan" phenomenon and the rise of nationalism have directly impacted the Pheu Thai Party’s support base and opened the door for new politicians to compete for the youth vote, challenging the dominance of the orange camp.

(2025/07/08-00:00)